Tuesday 15 September 2009
Thursday 3 September 2009
Jonathan Gabay on Political Debates
Jonathan Gabay has been on Channel 5 talking about live political debates:
The future of UK political debates from Jonathan Gabay on Vimeo.
Wednesday 26 August 2009
Jeremy Jacobs at Specialist Speakers
Little piece of self-promotion here! The brand new Specialist Speakers website is now up and running and is still being populated with the latest portfolio of speakers, presenters, journalists and politicians.
Thursday 20 August 2009
Tips For Public Speakers
A Twitter from the USA is Wendi Moore-Buysee from Minneapolis. She has a great blog and here's a recent post:
#SpeakerTip Alternative Stream of Income – Train others to deliver your presentations or sell your product and collect royalty checks.
Wouldn’t it be nice if you could put a program together and train others to present it for you? Wouldn’t it also be nice if you could receive a nice big check every time someone presents your information or sells your product? Yes, it would, and for some it is. It takes a tremendous amount of time and effort to put a program like this together, however, it could be worth it.
There are several steps to using this process, including licensing your material and finding other parties to sell it. Many musicians, authors, and artists copyright their work and make the additional income off of the royalties. Depending upon how well-known they are, some make nice fat checks. Others may make a decent living or see a just a trickle.
You can read the rest of the article here.
#SpeakerTip Alternative Stream of Income – Train others to deliver your presentations or sell your product and collect royalty checks.
Wouldn’t it be nice if you could put a program together and train others to present it for you? Wouldn’t it also be nice if you could receive a nice big check every time someone presents your information or sells your product? Yes, it would, and for some it is. It takes a tremendous amount of time and effort to put a program like this together, however, it could be worth it.
There are several steps to using this process, including licensing your material and finding other parties to sell it. Many musicians, authors, and artists copyright their work and make the additional income off of the royalties. Depending upon how well-known they are, some make nice fat checks. Others may make a decent living or see a just a trickle.
You can read the rest of the article here.
Thursday 13 August 2009
Saturday 1 August 2009
John Willman Writes For New Blog Site
Speaker and former FT columnist John Willman has written a piece about George Osborne at Business & Politics
Wednesday 22 July 2009
Tuesday 21 July 2009
Iain Dale on the Norwich North by-election
Conservative pundit and blogger Iain Dale has plenty to say about swine-flu and this week's by-election in Norwich North.
Saturday 4 July 2009
A Twitterer is Iain Dale
Iain Dale is getting a real reputation on Twitter. Here's his latest offering:
Am about to get what is euphemetically called a summer haircut. Meaning I won't have much left at the end of it. Mind you, no change there.
Iain can be found here on Twitter.
Am about to get what is euphemetically called a summer haircut. Meaning I won't have much left at the end of it. Mind you, no change there.
Iain can be found here on Twitter.
Jonathan Gabay on Political Spin
Jonathan Gabay's new book, Soultraders, was featured in this week's JC. Here's a brief extract:
Marketing expert Jonathan Gabay on how our failure to understand propaganda is handing power to extremists
When it comes to political spin, the Israelis have a lot to learn from the Palestinians.
This is the view of marketing expert Jonathan Gabay, who has spent 30 years in advertising and whose new book, Soul Traders, looks at the impact of propaganda on popular culture.
The trouble with Israel’s approach, he says, is that it has not mastered the crucial art of putting across a simple, emotive message. By sending out images of bloodied bomb victims and wailing children to the world’s media, “the Palestinians give a very strong message in a powerful way that gets into the news. Israel gives the complex view. For the intelligentsia it’s great, but who the hell has got the time?”
Marketing expert Jonathan Gabay on how our failure to understand propaganda is handing power to extremists
When it comes to political spin, the Israelis have a lot to learn from the Palestinians.
This is the view of marketing expert Jonathan Gabay, who has spent 30 years in advertising and whose new book, Soul Traders, looks at the impact of propaganda on popular culture.
The trouble with Israel’s approach, he says, is that it has not mastered the crucial art of putting across a simple, emotive message. By sending out images of bloodied bomb victims and wailing children to the world’s media, “the Palestinians give a very strong message in a powerful way that gets into the news. Israel gives the complex view. For the intelligentsia it’s great, but who the hell has got the time?”
Monday 29 June 2009
Top Speaking Tips
Nick R Thomas recently posted this interesting article on his blog. There's something there for any speaker.
Banking on a successful speech!
by Nick R Thomas A.L.A.M. (Public Speaking) on Tue 09 Jun 2009 09:26 PM BST
Lloyds TSB Retired Staff Association, Andover
I spoke about My Life as a Freelance Comedy writer for the Lloyds TSB Retired Staff Association at the Masonic Hall in Andover on 29 April. There were about 70 present and, despite a slightly dodgy microphone, the talk went very well.
One of my other talks, the Power of Humour in Everyday Life, includes an anecdote about a certain experience with this particular bank so I included it in this presentation and it was appreciated by the audience - perfect tailoring.. Material can sometimes be switched between different talks if it's appropriate (there is certainly a little overlap where my Marx Brothers and Algonquin Round Table presentations are concerned).
Public Speaking Tip #315: If you have a number of titles to offer as a speaker, the material for each does not have to be rigidly compartmentalised; you can introduce an anecdote, quotation or idea from one presentation into another if it's appropriate for that audience.
An original topical gag about former RBS boss Sir Fred Goodwin which I made a late decision to include also went down very well. Again, it was perfectly tailored for this particular audience.
During the conversation over the meal afterwards, I learned that this group had not had speakers at this type of meeting before so I was something of an experiment! This was not the first time that an organisation has piloted the idea of adding a talk with me as their first booking. It usually works well as my subjects are humorous and well-honed but if you speak on more serious topics, you might like to research whether an organisation usually books a talk at their meetings.
Public Speaking Tip #316: Are you the first person to speak to a group or the first speaker of a certain type? If someone wants to book you, you might like to ask 'What speakers have you had recently?' The reply will let you know whether you are the first or if your presentation will fit in with what that audience is used to at their events. If you are funny/interesting/inspiring, the fact that you may be their first speaker should not put you off.
I got this booking after their Honorary Treasurer heard me last year at Andover U3A. That group has already rebooked me. During the course of the evening, I received a number of enquiries about speaking to other groups in the area. As the great after dinner speaker Blaster Bates once said (admittedly in a slightly different context!) 'It just shows how these jobs can snowball!
Public Speaking Tip #317: A successful presentation and the repeat bookings and recommendations it can bring will certainly help to keep you in work as a speaker. Nevertheless, you still also need to keep up with the mailings, calls, auditions and other forms of marketing to keep those bookings flowing!
A very nice evening and apparently not just for me, according to this email from the Hon Treasurer Glenys Hughes-Owens:
"Thank you for entertaining us on Wednesday. Everybody I spoke to at the end of the evening said they enjoyed it very much".
My thanks to another of their Committee, David, for the lift from the station and back, not to mention refreshments before the meeting.
Banking on a successful speech!
by Nick R Thomas A.L.A.M. (Public Speaking) on Tue 09 Jun 2009 09:26 PM BST
Lloyds TSB Retired Staff Association, Andover
I spoke about My Life as a Freelance Comedy writer for the Lloyds TSB Retired Staff Association at the Masonic Hall in Andover on 29 April. There were about 70 present and, despite a slightly dodgy microphone, the talk went very well.
One of my other talks, the Power of Humour in Everyday Life, includes an anecdote about a certain experience with this particular bank so I included it in this presentation and it was appreciated by the audience - perfect tailoring.. Material can sometimes be switched between different talks if it's appropriate (there is certainly a little overlap where my Marx Brothers and Algonquin Round Table presentations are concerned).
Public Speaking Tip #315: If you have a number of titles to offer as a speaker, the material for each does not have to be rigidly compartmentalised; you can introduce an anecdote, quotation or idea from one presentation into another if it's appropriate for that audience.
An original topical gag about former RBS boss Sir Fred Goodwin which I made a late decision to include also went down very well. Again, it was perfectly tailored for this particular audience.
During the conversation over the meal afterwards, I learned that this group had not had speakers at this type of meeting before so I was something of an experiment! This was not the first time that an organisation has piloted the idea of adding a talk with me as their first booking. It usually works well as my subjects are humorous and well-honed but if you speak on more serious topics, you might like to research whether an organisation usually books a talk at their meetings.
Public Speaking Tip #316: Are you the first person to speak to a group or the first speaker of a certain type? If someone wants to book you, you might like to ask 'What speakers have you had recently?' The reply will let you know whether you are the first or if your presentation will fit in with what that audience is used to at their events. If you are funny/interesting/inspiring, the fact that you may be their first speaker should not put you off.
I got this booking after their Honorary Treasurer heard me last year at Andover U3A. That group has already rebooked me. During the course of the evening, I received a number of enquiries about speaking to other groups in the area. As the great after dinner speaker Blaster Bates once said (admittedly in a slightly different context!) 'It just shows how these jobs can snowball!
Public Speaking Tip #317: A successful presentation and the repeat bookings and recommendations it can bring will certainly help to keep you in work as a speaker. Nevertheless, you still also need to keep up with the mailings, calls, auditions and other forms of marketing to keep those bookings flowing!
A very nice evening and apparently not just for me, according to this email from the Hon Treasurer Glenys Hughes-Owens:
"Thank you for entertaining us on Wednesday. Everybody I spoke to at the end of the evening said they enjoyed it very much".
My thanks to another of their Committee, David, for the lift from the station and back, not to mention refreshments before the meeting.
Saturday 20 June 2009
Saturday 13 June 2009
Wednesday 10 June 2009
Evaluating Obama
Interesting piece here from the Stanley Fish Blog in the New York Times:
June 7, 2009, 10:00 pm
Yes I Can
Last week I was driving home listening to President Obama’s speech on the General Motors bankruptcy, and I heard the full emergence of a note that had been sounded only occasionally in the two-plus years since the announcement of his candidacy. It was the note of imperial possession, the accents and cadences of a man supremely aware of his authority and more than comfortable with its exercise.
Video: Speeches Mentioned in This Article
* Presidential Announcement Feb. 10, 2007 (Youtube)
* Iowa Caucus Victory Speech Jan. 3, 2008 (Youtube.com)
* Speech on Race March 18, 2008
* Election Night Victory Speech Nov. 4, 2008
* Inaugural Address Jan. 20, 2009
* Speech to Congress Feb. 24, 2009
* President Discusses G.M. Bankruptcy June 2, 2009
I was reminded of the last scene of “Godfather I,” when Michael Corleone, who begins the film as a young idealistic patriot, ends it by striking the pose of a Roman emperor as subordinates kiss his ring. Obama is still idealistic and a patriot, but he is now also an emperor and his speech shows it. “Language,” Ben Jonson says in Discoveries, “shows a man; speak that I may see thee.”
What Obama’s language showed when he began his campaign in February 2007 was a commitment to a project larger than his personal ambitions: ”It’s humbling to see a crowd like this, but in my heart I know you didn’t come here just for me.” He acknowledges that “there is a certain presumptuousness” to his candidacy and in the body of the speech he begins sentence after sentence (the rhetorical figure is “anaphora”) with this inclusive construction “Let us be the generation”: “Let us be the generation that reshapes our economy”; “Let us be the generation that ends poverty.” Later, he insists that “this campaign can’t only be about me; it must be about us.”
When he does use the first personal pronoun, its self assertion is immediately muted. “I want to win that next battle — for justice and opportunity. I want to win that next battle — for better schools, and better jobs, and health care for all.” Both syntactically and substantively, the “I” is subordinated to the projects to which it is dedicated.
When he wins the Iowa caucus on Jan. 3, 2008, the rhetoric alters as he imagines himself (perhaps for the first time) performing in the office he aspires to. “Let us” is replaced by “I’ll”: “I’ll be a president who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers.” “I’ll be a president who finally makes health care affordable.” “I’ll be a president who ends this war in Iraq.”
A little more than two months later (March 18), in the great speech on race, the “I” is once again firmly in check. He announces a resolve — “I have asserted a firm conviction” — but it is a conviction that acknowledges and embraces others: “…that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds.” After saying that, the “we” takes over: “We can come together.” “We want to talk about the crumbling schools. “We want to reject cynicism.” “We want to talk about the shuttered mills.” “We want to talk about how to bring them home from war.” And he concludes with a call to collaborative arms: This “is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger.”
If there is an occasion on which self-promotion would be understandable, even reasonable, it is on the night one accepts the nomination for president. But Obama signals from the beginning that he’s not going to go there: “With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination.” That’s the last “I” we see for a long time. It’s “we democrats who have a very different measure”; “We measure progress by how many people can find a job”; “We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires”; “Ours is a promise that says…”
When he comes to rehearse the changes he hopes to bring about, the use of “I” is unavoidable — “I will tap our natural gas reserves,” “I’ll help our auto-companies retool,” “I will never hesitate to defend this nation” — but these promises are obligatory and generic and so escape the taint of boasting. As the speech climaxes America, not Obama, is the exhorted agent of change: ”America, this is one of those moments.” “America, we cannot turn back.”
This restraint and modesty also mark the victory speech delivered in Grant Park, Chicago, on Nov. 4. The key note is struck early: “This is your victory.” When he promises, the promise is made not to the people, but on their behalf: “I promise you, we as a people will get there.” It is a short sentence, but by the end of it the self assertion of the “I” has been entirely dissipated. Repeatedly, agency and power are transferred to the audience. Change “cannot happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.” And, of course, the repeated refrain, “Yes we can.”
Everything alters in the inaugural address (Jan. 20, 2009). The promises are now made to an America that is asked only to stand by while they are fulfilled. “Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. “But know America” — or, in other words, “hear me” — “…they will be met.” And later, when he says, “We will build the roads and bridges… We will restore science to its rightful place… We will harness the sun and winds,” the “we” is now the royal we: just you watch, “All this we will do.”
By the time of the address to the Congress on Feb. 24, the royal we has flowered into the naked “I”: “As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress.” “I called for action.” “I pushed for quick action.” “I have told each of my cabinet.” “I’ve appointed a proven and aggressive inspector general.” “I refuse to let that happen.” “I will not spend a single penny.” “I reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves.” “I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half by the end of my first term.” That last is particularly telling: it says, there’s going to be a second term, I’m already moving fast, and if you don’t want to be left in the dust, you’d better fall in line.
There’s no mistaking what’s going on in the speech delivered last week. No preliminary niceties; just a rehearsal of Obama’s actions and expectations. Eight “I”’s right off the bat: “Just over two months ago I spoke with you… and I laid out what needed to be done.” “From the beginning I made it clear that I would not put any more tax dollars on the line.” “I refused to let those companies become permanent wards of the state.” “I refused to kick the can down the road. But I also recognized the importance of a viable auto industry.” “I decided then…” (He is really the decider.)
Accompanying the “I”’s are a bevy of “my”’s, which reach out to embrace the universe. The third time he says “my auto task force,” it sounds as if he were referring to a lap dog. Ditto the mention of Karen Mills, “my Small Business Administration” chief. When he thanks Canada and Germany for doing their part, it is as if those sovereign nations were doing him a personal favor to which he was entitled. When he invokes “my administration” you might think he was talking about some prized possession. (My daughter…my ducats.) It is always “I couldn’t in good conscience,” “I became convinced,” “I wanted to ensure,” “I instructed,” “I recognized,” “I want” (three times), “I’m calling on Congress.” At least he doesn’t say “my Congress,” although that is certainly implied.
No doubt this pattern of pronouns reflects a reality. By all the evidence we have, the guy’s completely in charge, making decisions, giving instructions, deploying resources, assigning tasks — a combination point guard, quarterback and clean-up hitter. And if he gets results, as he seems to be doing, that’s O.K.
But it may not be O.K., as a matter of rhetoric and politics, to advertise it. An occasional passive construction to soften the claim of agency would be a good idea (even though the grammar books warn against it). It’s one thing to be calling the tune; it’s another to proclaim it in every sentence. Someone is going to say, “Am I the only one who thinks that Obama likes the sound of his own voice?” (Sea Urchin, here).
Of course we all like the sound of our own voices. The trick , which Obama will probably learn down the road, is to avoid making it too obvious.
June 7, 2009, 10:00 pm
Yes I Can
Last week I was driving home listening to President Obama’s speech on the General Motors bankruptcy, and I heard the full emergence of a note that had been sounded only occasionally in the two-plus years since the announcement of his candidacy. It was the note of imperial possession, the accents and cadences of a man supremely aware of his authority and more than comfortable with its exercise.
Video: Speeches Mentioned in This Article
* Presidential Announcement Feb. 10, 2007 (Youtube)
* Iowa Caucus Victory Speech Jan. 3, 2008 (Youtube.com)
* Speech on Race March 18, 2008
* Election Night Victory Speech Nov. 4, 2008
* Inaugural Address Jan. 20, 2009
* Speech to Congress Feb. 24, 2009
* President Discusses G.M. Bankruptcy June 2, 2009
I was reminded of the last scene of “Godfather I,” when Michael Corleone, who begins the film as a young idealistic patriot, ends it by striking the pose of a Roman emperor as subordinates kiss his ring. Obama is still idealistic and a patriot, but he is now also an emperor and his speech shows it. “Language,” Ben Jonson says in Discoveries, “shows a man; speak that I may see thee.”
What Obama’s language showed when he began his campaign in February 2007 was a commitment to a project larger than his personal ambitions: ”It’s humbling to see a crowd like this, but in my heart I know you didn’t come here just for me.” He acknowledges that “there is a certain presumptuousness” to his candidacy and in the body of the speech he begins sentence after sentence (the rhetorical figure is “anaphora”) with this inclusive construction “Let us be the generation”: “Let us be the generation that reshapes our economy”; “Let us be the generation that ends poverty.” Later, he insists that “this campaign can’t only be about me; it must be about us.”
When he does use the first personal pronoun, its self assertion is immediately muted. “I want to win that next battle — for justice and opportunity. I want to win that next battle — for better schools, and better jobs, and health care for all.” Both syntactically and substantively, the “I” is subordinated to the projects to which it is dedicated.
When he wins the Iowa caucus on Jan. 3, 2008, the rhetoric alters as he imagines himself (perhaps for the first time) performing in the office he aspires to. “Let us” is replaced by “I’ll”: “I’ll be a president who harnesses the ingenuity of farmers.” “I’ll be a president who finally makes health care affordable.” “I’ll be a president who ends this war in Iraq.”
A little more than two months later (March 18), in the great speech on race, the “I” is once again firmly in check. He announces a resolve — “I have asserted a firm conviction” — but it is a conviction that acknowledges and embraces others: “…that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds.” After saying that, the “we” takes over: “We can come together.” “We want to talk about the crumbling schools. “We want to reject cynicism.” “We want to talk about the shuttered mills.” “We want to talk about how to bring them home from war.” And he concludes with a call to collaborative arms: This “is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger.”
If there is an occasion on which self-promotion would be understandable, even reasonable, it is on the night one accepts the nomination for president. But Obama signals from the beginning that he’s not going to go there: “With profound gratitude and great humility, I accept your nomination.” That’s the last “I” we see for a long time. It’s “we democrats who have a very different measure”; “We measure progress by how many people can find a job”; “We measure the strength of our economy not by the number of billionaires”; “Ours is a promise that says…”
When he comes to rehearse the changes he hopes to bring about, the use of “I” is unavoidable — “I will tap our natural gas reserves,” “I’ll help our auto-companies retool,” “I will never hesitate to defend this nation” — but these promises are obligatory and generic and so escape the taint of boasting. As the speech climaxes America, not Obama, is the exhorted agent of change: ”America, this is one of those moments.” “America, we cannot turn back.”
This restraint and modesty also mark the victory speech delivered in Grant Park, Chicago, on Nov. 4. The key note is struck early: “This is your victory.” When he promises, the promise is made not to the people, but on their behalf: “I promise you, we as a people will get there.” It is a short sentence, but by the end of it the self assertion of the “I” has been entirely dissipated. Repeatedly, agency and power are transferred to the audience. Change “cannot happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.” And, of course, the repeated refrain, “Yes we can.”
Everything alters in the inaugural address (Jan. 20, 2009). The promises are now made to an America that is asked only to stand by while they are fulfilled. “Today I say to you that the challenges we face are real. They will not be met easily or in a short span of time. “But know America” — or, in other words, “hear me” — “…they will be met.” And later, when he says, “We will build the roads and bridges… We will restore science to its rightful place… We will harness the sun and winds,” the “we” is now the royal we: just you watch, “All this we will do.”
By the time of the address to the Congress on Feb. 24, the royal we has flowered into the naked “I”: “As soon as I took office, I asked this Congress.” “I called for action.” “I pushed for quick action.” “I have told each of my cabinet.” “I’ve appointed a proven and aggressive inspector general.” “I refuse to let that happen.” “I will not spend a single penny.” “I reject the view that says our problems will simply take care of themselves.” “I held a fiscal summit where I pledged to cut the deficit in half by the end of my first term.” That last is particularly telling: it says, there’s going to be a second term, I’m already moving fast, and if you don’t want to be left in the dust, you’d better fall in line.
There’s no mistaking what’s going on in the speech delivered last week. No preliminary niceties; just a rehearsal of Obama’s actions and expectations. Eight “I”’s right off the bat: “Just over two months ago I spoke with you… and I laid out what needed to be done.” “From the beginning I made it clear that I would not put any more tax dollars on the line.” “I refused to let those companies become permanent wards of the state.” “I refused to kick the can down the road. But I also recognized the importance of a viable auto industry.” “I decided then…” (He is really the decider.)
Accompanying the “I”’s are a bevy of “my”’s, which reach out to embrace the universe. The third time he says “my auto task force,” it sounds as if he were referring to a lap dog. Ditto the mention of Karen Mills, “my Small Business Administration” chief. When he thanks Canada and Germany for doing their part, it is as if those sovereign nations were doing him a personal favor to which he was entitled. When he invokes “my administration” you might think he was talking about some prized possession. (My daughter…my ducats.) It is always “I couldn’t in good conscience,” “I became convinced,” “I wanted to ensure,” “I instructed,” “I recognized,” “I want” (three times), “I’m calling on Congress.” At least he doesn’t say “my Congress,” although that is certainly implied.
No doubt this pattern of pronouns reflects a reality. By all the evidence we have, the guy’s completely in charge, making decisions, giving instructions, deploying resources, assigning tasks — a combination point guard, quarterback and clean-up hitter. And if he gets results, as he seems to be doing, that’s O.K.
But it may not be O.K., as a matter of rhetoric and politics, to advertise it. An occasional passive construction to soften the claim of agency would be a good idea (even though the grammar books warn against it). It’s one thing to be calling the tune; it’s another to proclaim it in every sentence. Someone is going to say, “Am I the only one who thinks that Obama likes the sound of his own voice?” (Sea Urchin, here).
Of course we all like the sound of our own voices. The trick , which Obama will probably learn down the road, is to avoid making it too obvious.
Monday 8 June 2009
Friday 5 June 2009
Iain Dale Election Special
Iain Dale has been very busy with local and EU elections. Here's his latest blog piece:
So What Did You Think of the Show?
Getting up at 5.15am, whizzing down to College Green to do Sky News Sunrise and then driving for two hours to Arundel was perhaps not the ideal preparation to present what turned out to be a nine hour marathon election programme. And due to traffic I was late.
However, we got started at 9am on time and despite some people having difficulty in accessing the site in the first hour it was clear that we were building up quite a substantial audience. In the first hour I interviewed LibDem leader Nick Clegg who was about to board a train to visit his victorious LibDem councillors in Bristol. This was followed by a chat with Conservative MP Paul Goodman who had announced that he was standing down at the next election. Throughout the rest of the day we talked to all sorts of political luminaries including Boris Johnson, Tom Harris, Andrew MacKinlay, Kerry McCarthy, Nick Palmer, Chris Rennard, Jonathan Isaby, Paul Waugh and Keith Simpson.
We also interviewed the deputy leader of the British National Party, Simon Darby. If I am completely honest, I wasn't looking forward to this, but I firmly believe they need to be taken on and that a no platform policy is counter productive. My fellow presenter, Hopi Sen, refused to take part in the interview, which I think was a mistake, as Donal Blaney and I took Darby to task for his wholly objectionable views. Indeed, I thought he tied himself up in knots. My interviewing style is not ideal for people like Simon Darby. I am not confrontational, but maybe in retrospect that was a good thing. Judge for yourself. The podcast is HERE.
We had some very good calls from listeners - no nutters! And we also gleaned a lot of information from all around the country which meant that we could talk about individual results with some authority and 'call' an authority way before the BBC or Sky could announce a final result. I think we came into our own discussing the Ian Gibson by election announcement as Morus from Political Betting is a friend of the Norwich North Tory candidate and I know the seat well from my political work there in the 1980s.
I have to admit that I completely lost it during the Gordon Brown press conference, which we carried live. Brown's announcement that Glenys Kinnock was replacing Caroline Flint was just too much. If you saw it, you'll know what I mean.
So, was it as polished as a BBC production? No, but it wasn't meant to be. Was it professional? I hope so. Wa sit informative, entertaining and analytical? I think so, but those who listened must be the judges. We're doing it all over again on Sunday night from 6pm to midnight, so if you have any tips for improvements, do feel free to tell us.
I want to thank Hopi Sen, Morus, Donal Blaney, Alan Douglas and Gareth Knight for making it work, and also to PlayRadioUK.com for allowing us to make the programme. I hope everyone felt it was worth it.
So What Did You Think of the Show?
Getting up at 5.15am, whizzing down to College Green to do Sky News Sunrise and then driving for two hours to Arundel was perhaps not the ideal preparation to present what turned out to be a nine hour marathon election programme. And due to traffic I was late.
However, we got started at 9am on time and despite some people having difficulty in accessing the site in the first hour it was clear that we were building up quite a substantial audience. In the first hour I interviewed LibDem leader Nick Clegg who was about to board a train to visit his victorious LibDem councillors in Bristol. This was followed by a chat with Conservative MP Paul Goodman who had announced that he was standing down at the next election. Throughout the rest of the day we talked to all sorts of political luminaries including Boris Johnson, Tom Harris, Andrew MacKinlay, Kerry McCarthy, Nick Palmer, Chris Rennard, Jonathan Isaby, Paul Waugh and Keith Simpson.
We also interviewed the deputy leader of the British National Party, Simon Darby. If I am completely honest, I wasn't looking forward to this, but I firmly believe they need to be taken on and that a no platform policy is counter productive. My fellow presenter, Hopi Sen, refused to take part in the interview, which I think was a mistake, as Donal Blaney and I took Darby to task for his wholly objectionable views. Indeed, I thought he tied himself up in knots. My interviewing style is not ideal for people like Simon Darby. I am not confrontational, but maybe in retrospect that was a good thing. Judge for yourself. The podcast is HERE.
We had some very good calls from listeners - no nutters! And we also gleaned a lot of information from all around the country which meant that we could talk about individual results with some authority and 'call' an authority way before the BBC or Sky could announce a final result. I think we came into our own discussing the Ian Gibson by election announcement as Morus from Political Betting is a friend of the Norwich North Tory candidate and I know the seat well from my political work there in the 1980s.
I have to admit that I completely lost it during the Gordon Brown press conference, which we carried live. Brown's announcement that Glenys Kinnock was replacing Caroline Flint was just too much. If you saw it, you'll know what I mean.
So, was it as polished as a BBC production? No, but it wasn't meant to be. Was it professional? I hope so. Wa sit informative, entertaining and analytical? I think so, but those who listened must be the judges. We're doing it all over again on Sunday night from 6pm to midnight, so if you have any tips for improvements, do feel free to tell us.
I want to thank Hopi Sen, Morus, Donal Blaney, Alan Douglas and Gareth Knight for making it work, and also to PlayRadioUK.com for allowing us to make the programme. I hope everyone felt it was worth it.
Friday 29 May 2009
Geoff Burch - Virtual Seminar
Last week, speaker and business guru, Geoff Burch held a virtual seminar for Scottish businesses. Check it out here.
Jonathan Gabay on BBC Scotland
..........talking about how Santander are ridding the High Street of our building society brands:
Tuesday 26 May 2009
Gabay on CNN
Jonathan Gabay continues his television appearances with this on brands with CNN:
Nostalgia in the high street from Jonathan Gabay on Vimeo.
Jonathan Gabay of brandforensics (co.uk) talks to CNN about the current trend for retail brands to draw on nostalgia to win back credit crunched consumers. Also check out Jonathan's latest book - Soul Traders at soultraderstruth com
Monday 25 May 2009
The Queen and Extremists
Jonathan Gabay has written this piece in the Soultraders Ning group:
The current spate of scandals surrounding MP expenses may leave the electorate voting at the upcoming European elections with more than just clouds in their coffee.
The recession has already given an edge to BNP spin-doctors who, in the words of Harriet Harman, has cranked up the credit crunch climate to ‘spread division and despair’ among hard hit middle as well as more traditional lower class margin voters. Her voice wasn’t a lone one: the Archbishop of Canterbury warned that Britain needed to heed the lessons of Nazi Germany and accept “a very high risk of financial stringency leading to political extremes - anger finding its expression in xenophobia.
Just a matter of months before the current fiasco surrounding member claims, the anti-fascist body, Searchlight estimated that BNP only needed 8% of the vote to secure seats in European Parliament. This week a Guardian/ICM poll carried out in the aftermath of the MPs’ expenses scandal found that some 27% of voters plan to support a minority party. The poll also uncovered evidence that more could soon join them. This week, in a joint statement for the Church of England House of Bishops, Dr Rowan Williams and Dr John Sentamu said it would be “tragic” if people chose not to vote, or to register a protest vote, (for the Far Right) at the European parliamentary and local elections on 4 June.
However, many political pundits have cast aside worries about the BNP capitalising on the current national distrust in our leaders. They point to the fact that new poll suggests that The Greens are set to take 9% of the total vote, Ukip is on 10%, leaving the BNP on just 1%.
Maybe the British public is more resilient than the classic textbooks would suggest. Take for example the voters of Salford’s Irwell Riverside ward - perfectly placed to give the BNP a landslide win. Most of the ward’s white, working-class voters live in run-down terraces. Salford’s MP - Hazel Blears lives a very different lifestyle, claiming for three different properties in one year, along with Generation Game’s conveyor belt of goodies including, TVs, beds, mattresses, curtains, pots, pans and even the mandatory overnight stay in posh London hotel.
Yet, despite it all Blears held her Labour seat. The BNP stayed stuck in third place, its share of the vote up a mere 3.8% on last year.
So should moderate voters be allowed to let go of their anguishes over a Neo-Fascist rise? Perhaps not, in my new book Soul Traders, I discovered that it only requires a pinch of carefully placed propaganda added to an already generally unsettled public, at precisely the right moment, for the status quo to become unnerved. That is usually down to timing of announcements which conveniently coincide with a series of fortuitous events leading up to a decisive date (election).
Voters with growing multi-cultural communities at constituencies such as in The Midlands, still need to be on their guard from xenophobes as well as slick double-talk by BNP’s marketing machine producing campaigns including slick videos (on their website) . Such shrewdly written pieces of propaganda can for some voters teetering on the edge, appear to make sense.
Then there is the BNP’s ability to seize on headlines,such as the recently announced £1.7bn stock piled budget. This was driven home to me today whilst listening to the chit-chat on talk radio shows. Callers were calling in, citing the NHS surplus headlines and then combining the news with facts such as one quarter of all babies born in NHS hospitals are delivered to mothers who are not British nationals. Chat show hosts chipped in with quips such as: “what a cheek, the NHS is keeping money for themselves, cutting back on essential health-care but letting foreigners abuse our system…” Or … “ It took 80 million years for the planet to have 1billion people. Thanks to over population, we now have one billion more people every ten years….” This all spurred callers to complain about “her next door” from Eastern Europe or India or just about anyway north or south of Lands End or John O Groats, “bleeding the social dry by having too many kids which we will have to educate, clothe etc..”
The other piece of news was the (very short-lived) possibility of Nick Griffin having tea (Earl Grey no doubt) with the Queen. That turned out to be a storm in a tea-cup. However, as the UK continues to grow and prosper thanks in a great part to its multi-cultural society, the chances of a division within the country may become more noticeable. (This is not just down to good old racism or anti-Semitism - but the even older fear of anyone or anything that can be perceived as a threat on personal property and prosperity).
Who knows, maybe years or just decades down the road, the tabloids could indeed feature a picture of the far right enjoying a digestive with whoever is residence at the house with the biggest back garden in central London. Once the initial shock of it all fizzles out, in time such a picture opportunity will no doubt be considered as simply an example of British fair play and equality to all.
(Ah the irony of British fair play).
Jonathan Gabay
Author Soul Traders
www.soultraderstruth.com
The current spate of scandals surrounding MP expenses may leave the electorate voting at the upcoming European elections with more than just clouds in their coffee.
The recession has already given an edge to BNP spin-doctors who, in the words of Harriet Harman, has cranked up the credit crunch climate to ‘spread division and despair’ among hard hit middle as well as more traditional lower class margin voters. Her voice wasn’t a lone one: the Archbishop of Canterbury warned that Britain needed to heed the lessons of Nazi Germany and accept “a very high risk of financial stringency leading to political extremes - anger finding its expression in xenophobia.
Just a matter of months before the current fiasco surrounding member claims, the anti-fascist body, Searchlight estimated that BNP only needed 8% of the vote to secure seats in European Parliament. This week a Guardian/ICM poll carried out in the aftermath of the MPs’ expenses scandal found that some 27% of voters plan to support a minority party. The poll also uncovered evidence that more could soon join them. This week, in a joint statement for the Church of England House of Bishops, Dr Rowan Williams and Dr John Sentamu said it would be “tragic” if people chose not to vote, or to register a protest vote, (for the Far Right) at the European parliamentary and local elections on 4 June.
However, many political pundits have cast aside worries about the BNP capitalising on the current national distrust in our leaders. They point to the fact that new poll suggests that The Greens are set to take 9% of the total vote, Ukip is on 10%, leaving the BNP on just 1%.
Maybe the British public is more resilient than the classic textbooks would suggest. Take for example the voters of Salford’s Irwell Riverside ward - perfectly placed to give the BNP a landslide win. Most of the ward’s white, working-class voters live in run-down terraces. Salford’s MP - Hazel Blears lives a very different lifestyle, claiming for three different properties in one year, along with Generation Game’s conveyor belt of goodies including, TVs, beds, mattresses, curtains, pots, pans and even the mandatory overnight stay in posh London hotel.
Yet, despite it all Blears held her Labour seat. The BNP stayed stuck in third place, its share of the vote up a mere 3.8% on last year.
So should moderate voters be allowed to let go of their anguishes over a Neo-Fascist rise? Perhaps not, in my new book Soul Traders, I discovered that it only requires a pinch of carefully placed propaganda added to an already generally unsettled public, at precisely the right moment, for the status quo to become unnerved. That is usually down to timing of announcements which conveniently coincide with a series of fortuitous events leading up to a decisive date (election).
Voters with growing multi-cultural communities at constituencies such as in The Midlands, still need to be on their guard from xenophobes as well as slick double-talk by BNP’s marketing machine producing campaigns including slick videos (on their website) . Such shrewdly written pieces of propaganda can for some voters teetering on the edge, appear to make sense.
Then there is the BNP’s ability to seize on headlines,such as the recently announced £1.7bn stock piled budget. This was driven home to me today whilst listening to the chit-chat on talk radio shows. Callers were calling in, citing the NHS surplus headlines and then combining the news with facts such as one quarter of all babies born in NHS hospitals are delivered to mothers who are not British nationals. Chat show hosts chipped in with quips such as: “what a cheek, the NHS is keeping money for themselves, cutting back on essential health-care but letting foreigners abuse our system…” Or … “ It took 80 million years for the planet to have 1billion people. Thanks to over population, we now have one billion more people every ten years….” This all spurred callers to complain about “her next door” from Eastern Europe or India or just about anyway north or south of Lands End or John O Groats, “bleeding the social dry by having too many kids which we will have to educate, clothe etc..”
The other piece of news was the (very short-lived) possibility of Nick Griffin having tea (Earl Grey no doubt) with the Queen. That turned out to be a storm in a tea-cup. However, as the UK continues to grow and prosper thanks in a great part to its multi-cultural society, the chances of a division within the country may become more noticeable. (This is not just down to good old racism or anti-Semitism - but the even older fear of anyone or anything that can be perceived as a threat on personal property and prosperity).
Who knows, maybe years or just decades down the road, the tabloids could indeed feature a picture of the far right enjoying a digestive with whoever is residence at the house with the biggest back garden in central London. Once the initial shock of it all fizzles out, in time such a picture opportunity will no doubt be considered as simply an example of British fair play and equality to all.
(Ah the irony of British fair play).
Jonathan Gabay
Author Soul Traders
www.soultraderstruth.com
Thursday 21 May 2009
Sunday 17 May 2009
Saturday 16 May 2009
Love Your MP.....
.........says Jonathan Gabay on his blog
The current political shenanigans are leading many like the Hansard Society to suggest that the electorate will now be turned off politics for good. I disagree, a parallel can be made with reality TV programming. Many complain about the overwhelming volume of reality TV shows, but does that mean they stop watching TV altogether? Instead they seek out different shows and favour channels reflecting their tastes and ideals.
When we emerge from this period in history, one of the changing effects on politics may be that people will tend to vote differently rather than traditionally as perhaps thinking beyond the conditioning of their parents beliefs – so establishing power with people not just political masters. To make that happen, emerging politicians will need to demonstrate that unlike their peers, they can be trusted through deed rather than promise and spin. Although however they are paid, the pension will still be top notch. The message is simple, now is the time to engage not disengage with politics.
See http://www.soultraderstruth.com
The current political shenanigans are leading many like the Hansard Society to suggest that the electorate will now be turned off politics for good. I disagree, a parallel can be made with reality TV programming. Many complain about the overwhelming volume of reality TV shows, but does that mean they stop watching TV altogether? Instead they seek out different shows and favour channels reflecting their tastes and ideals.
When we emerge from this period in history, one of the changing effects on politics may be that people will tend to vote differently rather than traditionally as perhaps thinking beyond the conditioning of their parents beliefs – so establishing power with people not just political masters. To make that happen, emerging politicians will need to demonstrate that unlike their peers, they can be trusted through deed rather than promise and spin. Although however they are paid, the pension will still be top notch. The message is simple, now is the time to engage not disengage with politics.
See http://www.soultraderstruth.com
Thursday 14 May 2009
Motivating In A Recession
Speaker and business guru Geoff Burch features in a virtual seminar next Tuesday, May 19th. If you're a business leader in the West of Scotland why not register?
Tuesday 12 May 2009
Monday 11 May 2009
Sunday 10 May 2009
MP's Expenses
This piece by Jonathan Gabay on the expenses scandal explains how politicians manipulate the press and fool us!
Jonathan is the author of Soul Traders which will be available in the UK very shortly.
Jonathan is the author of Soul Traders which will be available in the UK very shortly.
Saturday 9 May 2009
Friday 8 May 2009
Thursday 7 May 2009
Iain Dale on MP's expenses
Iain Dale has just posted this on Twitter:
ALERT: Telegraph has bought disc of MPs expenses. They are splashing on it tomorrow. Will try to monitor developments over the next hours.
Sounds exciting.
ALERT: Telegraph has bought disc of MPs expenses. They are splashing on it tomorrow. Will try to monitor developments over the next hours.
Sounds exciting.
Wednesday 6 May 2009
Tuesday 5 May 2009
Jonathan Gabay On ITV News
This evening, communications consultant and speaker, Jonathan Gabay featured on the ITV News. He was holding some discussions earlier today in Dulwich, the district in south-east London where schools have been closed due to swine 'flu.
Monday 4 May 2009
Iain Dale writes about UKIP
Iain Dale recently interviewed Nigel Farage, the leader of UKIP
My GQ Interview With Nigel Farage
Iain Dale 8:25 PM
In the May issue of GQ Magazine I wrote a lengthy profile of UKIP leader Nigel Farage. Now that the issue is no longer on sale, I am posting it on the blog...
Being leader of a political party which stands a snowball’s chance in hell of ever achieving real power is not a very rewarding occupation. You need the patience of a saint, the hide of a wildebeest and the tenacity of a Duracell bunny. Luckily for his party, the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party possesses all three, and if Oscars were awarded for optimism in the face of adversity, Nigel Farage would sweep the board.
In his two and a half years in the post, Farage has given UKIP a profile they had previously only attained during European election campaigns. He has aggressively courted the media and to some effect. He is the only recognizable face of a political party previously dominated by old fogies but now being dragged kicking and screaming into the new media age. Farage’s personal profile has engendered bitter jealousies from those who believe he is using UKIP for his own ends. His enemies accuse him of personal vanity and far worse. But he is unrepentant. He knows that any modern day politician’s success or failure is largely defined through the prism of the media.
So who is this man who his critics decry as a ‘Little Englander’ and his supporters believe could be the saviour of British sovereignty?
Nigel Farage was born 45 years ago in the village of Downe, near Sevenoaks in Kent, where he still lives. Down is famous as the birthplace of another famous man who rebelled against the conventional wisdom and believed in the survival of the fittest, Charles Darwin. But there, the similarities end. Farage is a chain smoking, hard drinking, pin-striped loving, Fedora wearing father of four with a German wife, and who bears an uncanny likeness to the Russian president Dmitry Medvedev.
Farage went to the local prep school and then attended his father’s alma mater Dulwich College. He was in his element there. “I loved the tradition of it all,” he explains. “I couldn’t have been more involved in the life of the school if I had tried.” He was in the Army Cadet Force, the politics society, the cricket club, the rugby club – everything. He loved to challenge what he was taught and delighted in being argumentative, especially with the kind of teachers who he refers to as the ‘Bob Dylan set’. He had far more time for the more traditional schoolmasters who had had a good war and drifted into teaching. “I adored them and responded well to them,” he reflects. “They thought nothing of doing nets with you three nights a week. It was a vocation for them.” But even at school, he was obsessed by the issue of Europe according to his then classmate Nick Owen. “He chuntered on about Europe and everyone thought he was barking mad. He’s still chuntering on about Europe…” Owen recalls that even at school, the young Nigel Farage was into making money. “He ran a shoe shining business. He paid the juniors to clean shoes and then skimmed a commission off the top.”
Farage determined very early on that he did not want to go to university, a decision which caused anguish among his family. “It was the early 1980s. Exchange controls had been abolished. The City was exciting and it was where I wanted to be. It was partly lifestyle and partly because I wanted to earn serious money.” Farage Senior was a successful stockbroker, but Farage Junior decided it was the London Metal Exchange that had more appeal, and it neatly avoided the risk of being permanently in his father’s shadow. “I loved it, I was good at it and was good with clients. I knew within six months it was the lifestyle I would enjoy,” he recalls. His first employer was the aggressive Wall Street investment bank, Drexel Burnham Lambert, which collapsed in 1990. Farage recalls that the company motto was “no guts, no glory”, an epithet which might equally be applied to his own political career.
But at the age of 21, things started to go wrong for Farage. He was seriously injured after being run over by a car and spent four months in hospital. But worse was to come. Less than six months later he was diagnosed with an aggressive form of testicular cancer. “It was an horrendous experience,” he recounts. “There was an overwhelming feeling of it being so unfair. I hadn’t done any of the things I had wanted to do.” After the operation he was told by doctors that the cancer had spread to his stomach and lungs, with the clear implication that there was no hope of recovery. Two days later he had a Cat Scan and was given the all clear. “Those two days were like torture,” he says, his voice riven with emotion. For the next six months he had to go to London Bridge hospital twice a week for blood tests to see if, as he puts it, he was “allowed to leave the building or not.” He describes it as “psychologically worse” than having chemotherapy. But he emerged from the experience with a determination to seize the day, rather than worry about the future. It explains a lot. He’s known as one of life’s bon viveurs and is quite open about his love for – and over indulgence in - good wine and good food. “No one who’s been through what I went through could ever say that it is out of their mind totally. I’m very much a fatalist. Life’s for the living. You’ve got to follow your heart and I won’t pretend that didn’t shape my decision to leave business and enter politics.”
In his late teens Farage joined the local Tory Party but took no active part apart from delivering a few leaflets at election time. But over the course of the next few years Farage fell out of love with the Conservatives, firstly over the Anglo Irish Agreement but later over Europe. His split with the party came over Britain’s entry into the Exchange Rate Mechanism in October 1990. “That was the big moment,” he recalls. “I fulminated with rage against the economic idiocy and proceeded to bore everyone to death predicting disaster and gloom.” By chance he then saw a small advert in the London Evening Standard for a meeting held by the Campaign for an Independent Britain. He went along, and the rest is history. Within a year he had become a founding member of the Anti Federalist League which turned into UKIP in 1993. In early 1994 left his job to go self employed and set up his own business Farage Futures. This gave him the time to pursue a political career. He stood in various by-elections, at the 1994 European elections and the 1997 general election, but it was only in 1999 that he succeeded in getting elected to the European Parliament, after the government introduced proportional representation. Three years later, time constraints led to him closing down his business and concentrating on politics full time. Those who knew him well thought it was inevitable he would end up leading UKIP. “It was written in the stars,” says one ally. “Everyone knew Nigel could take the party to the next step; it was a matter of how long it would take the party to realise it.”
And in the autumn of 2006, his chance came when its somewhat charismatically-challenged leader Roger Knapman stood down. After a fairly bitter campaign, Farage emerged triumphant and immediately set out to transform UKIP into a major political force and enhance the fortunes of the Independence & Democracy Group in the European Parliament, which he now chairs.
In his thirty months in office, Farage has attempted to turn UKIP from a ramshackle, rather shambolic operation into an election fighting machine. He has been conscious that the Party has been easy to pigeonhole as predominantly male, old and of the ‘Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells’ tendency. He’s recruited former EU whistleblower Marta Andreasson to be a candidate and attempted to ensure that some younger and female candidates appear on the ballot papers. Hehas also headhunted a professional campaign manager - ex Tory candidate and Adam Smith Institute policy wonk Kenneth Irvine - for the Euro elections and appointed an aficionado of the political blogosphere, Tim Worstall, as UKIP’s Head of Press. In January they opened a new campaign office in the heart of Westminster and have geared up for a real push with an eight strong campaign team. But the spectre of financial overstretch is constantly present. They face having to pay back a donation of more than £360,000 from Alan Bown, after it was found he wasn’t on the electoral roll. The dispute has been rumbling on for two years and is now awaiting an appeal date. If they do have to pay the money pack, the party faces financial ruin over an oversight not of its own making.
The European Elections on 4 June present Farage with the toughest challenge of his political career yet. In 2004, UKIP achieved a record 16% vote share (beating the LibDems into fourth place) and elected no fewer than 12 MEPs. This time it may be very different. Despite having a much more impressive line-up of candidates than five years ago, UKIP’s performance may well depend on how far they can attract two types of voters – those who wish a plague on all politicians from the three main parties and those Conservatives who feel so strongly about the European issue that they will continue to lend their vote to UKIP in European elections. This is a sizeable group, which continues to view David Cameron’s various Eurosceptic policy initiatives with increasing scepticism. It is this part of the electorate which may determine Nigel Farage’s fate.
Most political pundits think 2004 was a high watermark for UKIP and that they will be lucky to be left with enough MEPs to fill a telephone box in June. If that happens, Farage says he will walk the plank without having to be ordered to do so. “If we win fewer than ten seats, that’s a failure and I will resign,” he says with the refreshing candour which mainstream party politicians find so difficult to emulate. “Quite clearly, if we do badly, then I’ve tried my hardest, and that’s that. It will be time for someone else to do it.” By even talking that way in advance of the elections, a psychoanalyst might draw the conclusion that he’s had enough and may well quit anyway. There’s an air of resignation in his voice when he says, “I have tried to change the party, to modernize it, change the attitude and outlook,” but he knows also that the knives are out for him in his own party come what may. Even if they achieve a higher vote share and more MEPs than they currently have, there are plenty of people within UKIP who would gladly see the back of Farage.
Since he became leader he has been subjected to the most vicious character assassination imaginable. He has had death threats, his staff have been abused and threatened and journalists have received anonymous tipoffs about his drinking habits and alleged eye for the ladies. At times, his life has been made hell. Some of his colleagues are increasingly jealous of his high media profile and accuse him of operating a quasi autocracy and running roughshod over the party. Farage is unrepentant. “Some people have been a big disappointment – people I have given jobs to and when it doesn’t work out they behave badly. You just think, would I behave like that? God, I hope not.”
He readily admits that a good result on June 4th is a prerequisite for him carrying forward his own agenda. “I do need a mandate,” he says. “I will have the impetus to change it further.” But to do that he has a number of enemies to see off, both from within his own party and outside it, not least the British National Party. The BNP has tried, so far with little success, to infiltrate UKIP and take it over from the inside. They have a number of, what Farage calls, “useful idiots” who have adopted the tactics of the old Militant Tendency who tried to take over parts of the Labour Party in the 1980s. However unsuccessful they have been, Farage knows how bad it looks for the letters BNP and UKIP to appear in the same sentence. “The most damaging thing ever written about us was that we were the BNP in blazers,” he concedes, although he believes those days are behind them. When the BNP’s membership list was leaked recently, UKIP analysed it and found only two of their own members on it. The sighs of relief emanating from UKIP HQ were almost audible, but Farage is far from complacent.
“I wouldn’t compare myself to Cameron, but he tried to change the image of his party, to make it more acceptable to a broader range of people, and that’s the journey I’m on.” He cites the recruitment of an increasing number of ethnic minority members as evidence that the party is heading in the right direction. So, no longer the party of “fruitcakes and closet racists”, as David Cameron once memorably described them. “If we are successful in June, we’ll have a new slate of MEPs, they’ll be much younger, with a prominent woman, and we can go out into the media with a new image, without giving the impression that it’s just me doing it,” claims Farage. It’s hardly a ringing endorsement of his current colleagues, but he’s a realist.
Since Farage became leader of UKIP in the autumn of 2006, he has tried to turn the party away from being a single issue, anti European Union pressure group and convert it into a normal political party, with a policy on virtually everything. He tasked his deputy, David Campbell-Bannerman, with coming up with populist policies on public service reform. A belief in selective education is possibly the most eye-catching of the policies announced so far, but again, it plays into the perception that UKIP really does represent ‘Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells’ rather than Mr & Mrs Average whose two kids go to the local comp.
UKIP’s success in June may well be determined by to what extent the electorate wants to punish the two main parties. Traditionally the LibDems have been the main recipient of the so-called ‘dustbin’ vote, but in the 1989 Euro elections it was the Greens who surged forward, with 15% of the vote. Indeed, Nigel Farage himself was a rather unlikely Green voter in that year. “I was still a Tory Party member,” he recalls, “and it was my first rebellion against the Conservative Party.” Election campaigns are all about momentum, the so-called ‘Big Mo’. Last time UKIP had the temporary boost of Robert Kilroy-Silk joining them and giving them a huge amount of extra publicity. “It was a risk worth taking at the time,” says Farage. “I still believe that.” It proved to be a mixed blessing in the end, but it’s difficult to see where that kind of boost will emerge from this time. Farage is relying on Eurosceptic Conservatives to lend him their vote again, but he’s also keen to point out that internet campaigning will recruit new supporters from all over the political spectrum.
“If we do badly in June, and that means curtains for me. It won’t just be UKIP that has a problem. It will be the whole anti EU movement that has a problem.” He believes there is a clear and present danger that UKIP might then indeed be taken over by the authoritarian right, rendering less of a political party and more of a narrow political sect. “It could set us back by over a decade,” he warns. It’s hardly a war cry, but it demonstrates what’s at stake both for him personally and the Eurosceptic movement in general on June 4th.
Iain Dale's Diary Political DVD & CD Store
My GQ Interview With Nigel Farage
Iain Dale 8:25 PM
In the May issue of GQ Magazine I wrote a lengthy profile of UKIP leader Nigel Farage. Now that the issue is no longer on sale, I am posting it on the blog...
Being leader of a political party which stands a snowball’s chance in hell of ever achieving real power is not a very rewarding occupation. You need the patience of a saint, the hide of a wildebeest and the tenacity of a Duracell bunny. Luckily for his party, the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party possesses all three, and if Oscars were awarded for optimism in the face of adversity, Nigel Farage would sweep the board.
In his two and a half years in the post, Farage has given UKIP a profile they had previously only attained during European election campaigns. He has aggressively courted the media and to some effect. He is the only recognizable face of a political party previously dominated by old fogies but now being dragged kicking and screaming into the new media age. Farage’s personal profile has engendered bitter jealousies from those who believe he is using UKIP for his own ends. His enemies accuse him of personal vanity and far worse. But he is unrepentant. He knows that any modern day politician’s success or failure is largely defined through the prism of the media.
So who is this man who his critics decry as a ‘Little Englander’ and his supporters believe could be the saviour of British sovereignty?
Nigel Farage was born 45 years ago in the village of Downe, near Sevenoaks in Kent, where he still lives. Down is famous as the birthplace of another famous man who rebelled against the conventional wisdom and believed in the survival of the fittest, Charles Darwin. But there, the similarities end. Farage is a chain smoking, hard drinking, pin-striped loving, Fedora wearing father of four with a German wife, and who bears an uncanny likeness to the Russian president Dmitry Medvedev.
Farage went to the local prep school and then attended his father’s alma mater Dulwich College. He was in his element there. “I loved the tradition of it all,” he explains. “I couldn’t have been more involved in the life of the school if I had tried.” He was in the Army Cadet Force, the politics society, the cricket club, the rugby club – everything. He loved to challenge what he was taught and delighted in being argumentative, especially with the kind of teachers who he refers to as the ‘Bob Dylan set’. He had far more time for the more traditional schoolmasters who had had a good war and drifted into teaching. “I adored them and responded well to them,” he reflects. “They thought nothing of doing nets with you three nights a week. It was a vocation for them.” But even at school, he was obsessed by the issue of Europe according to his then classmate Nick Owen. “He chuntered on about Europe and everyone thought he was barking mad. He’s still chuntering on about Europe…” Owen recalls that even at school, the young Nigel Farage was into making money. “He ran a shoe shining business. He paid the juniors to clean shoes and then skimmed a commission off the top.”
Farage determined very early on that he did not want to go to university, a decision which caused anguish among his family. “It was the early 1980s. Exchange controls had been abolished. The City was exciting and it was where I wanted to be. It was partly lifestyle and partly because I wanted to earn serious money.” Farage Senior was a successful stockbroker, but Farage Junior decided it was the London Metal Exchange that had more appeal, and it neatly avoided the risk of being permanently in his father’s shadow. “I loved it, I was good at it and was good with clients. I knew within six months it was the lifestyle I would enjoy,” he recalls. His first employer was the aggressive Wall Street investment bank, Drexel Burnham Lambert, which collapsed in 1990. Farage recalls that the company motto was “no guts, no glory”, an epithet which might equally be applied to his own political career.
But at the age of 21, things started to go wrong for Farage. He was seriously injured after being run over by a car and spent four months in hospital. But worse was to come. Less than six months later he was diagnosed with an aggressive form of testicular cancer. “It was an horrendous experience,” he recounts. “There was an overwhelming feeling of it being so unfair. I hadn’t done any of the things I had wanted to do.” After the operation he was told by doctors that the cancer had spread to his stomach and lungs, with the clear implication that there was no hope of recovery. Two days later he had a Cat Scan and was given the all clear. “Those two days were like torture,” he says, his voice riven with emotion. For the next six months he had to go to London Bridge hospital twice a week for blood tests to see if, as he puts it, he was “allowed to leave the building or not.” He describes it as “psychologically worse” than having chemotherapy. But he emerged from the experience with a determination to seize the day, rather than worry about the future. It explains a lot. He’s known as one of life’s bon viveurs and is quite open about his love for – and over indulgence in - good wine and good food. “No one who’s been through what I went through could ever say that it is out of their mind totally. I’m very much a fatalist. Life’s for the living. You’ve got to follow your heart and I won’t pretend that didn’t shape my decision to leave business and enter politics.”
In his late teens Farage joined the local Tory Party but took no active part apart from delivering a few leaflets at election time. But over the course of the next few years Farage fell out of love with the Conservatives, firstly over the Anglo Irish Agreement but later over Europe. His split with the party came over Britain’s entry into the Exchange Rate Mechanism in October 1990. “That was the big moment,” he recalls. “I fulminated with rage against the economic idiocy and proceeded to bore everyone to death predicting disaster and gloom.” By chance he then saw a small advert in the London Evening Standard for a meeting held by the Campaign for an Independent Britain. He went along, and the rest is history. Within a year he had become a founding member of the Anti Federalist League which turned into UKIP in 1993. In early 1994 left his job to go self employed and set up his own business Farage Futures. This gave him the time to pursue a political career. He stood in various by-elections, at the 1994 European elections and the 1997 general election, but it was only in 1999 that he succeeded in getting elected to the European Parliament, after the government introduced proportional representation. Three years later, time constraints led to him closing down his business and concentrating on politics full time. Those who knew him well thought it was inevitable he would end up leading UKIP. “It was written in the stars,” says one ally. “Everyone knew Nigel could take the party to the next step; it was a matter of how long it would take the party to realise it.”
And in the autumn of 2006, his chance came when its somewhat charismatically-challenged leader Roger Knapman stood down. After a fairly bitter campaign, Farage emerged triumphant and immediately set out to transform UKIP into a major political force and enhance the fortunes of the Independence & Democracy Group in the European Parliament, which he now chairs.
In his thirty months in office, Farage has attempted to turn UKIP from a ramshackle, rather shambolic operation into an election fighting machine. He has been conscious that the Party has been easy to pigeonhole as predominantly male, old and of the ‘Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells’ tendency. He’s recruited former EU whistleblower Marta Andreasson to be a candidate and attempted to ensure that some younger and female candidates appear on the ballot papers. Hehas also headhunted a professional campaign manager - ex Tory candidate and Adam Smith Institute policy wonk Kenneth Irvine - for the Euro elections and appointed an aficionado of the political blogosphere, Tim Worstall, as UKIP’s Head of Press. In January they opened a new campaign office in the heart of Westminster and have geared up for a real push with an eight strong campaign team. But the spectre of financial overstretch is constantly present. They face having to pay back a donation of more than £360,000 from Alan Bown, after it was found he wasn’t on the electoral roll. The dispute has been rumbling on for two years and is now awaiting an appeal date. If they do have to pay the money pack, the party faces financial ruin over an oversight not of its own making.
The European Elections on 4 June present Farage with the toughest challenge of his political career yet. In 2004, UKIP achieved a record 16% vote share (beating the LibDems into fourth place) and elected no fewer than 12 MEPs. This time it may be very different. Despite having a much more impressive line-up of candidates than five years ago, UKIP’s performance may well depend on how far they can attract two types of voters – those who wish a plague on all politicians from the three main parties and those Conservatives who feel so strongly about the European issue that they will continue to lend their vote to UKIP in European elections. This is a sizeable group, which continues to view David Cameron’s various Eurosceptic policy initiatives with increasing scepticism. It is this part of the electorate which may determine Nigel Farage’s fate.
Most political pundits think 2004 was a high watermark for UKIP and that they will be lucky to be left with enough MEPs to fill a telephone box in June. If that happens, Farage says he will walk the plank without having to be ordered to do so. “If we win fewer than ten seats, that’s a failure and I will resign,” he says with the refreshing candour which mainstream party politicians find so difficult to emulate. “Quite clearly, if we do badly, then I’ve tried my hardest, and that’s that. It will be time for someone else to do it.” By even talking that way in advance of the elections, a psychoanalyst might draw the conclusion that he’s had enough and may well quit anyway. There’s an air of resignation in his voice when he says, “I have tried to change the party, to modernize it, change the attitude and outlook,” but he knows also that the knives are out for him in his own party come what may. Even if they achieve a higher vote share and more MEPs than they currently have, there are plenty of people within UKIP who would gladly see the back of Farage.
Since he became leader he has been subjected to the most vicious character assassination imaginable. He has had death threats, his staff have been abused and threatened and journalists have received anonymous tipoffs about his drinking habits and alleged eye for the ladies. At times, his life has been made hell. Some of his colleagues are increasingly jealous of his high media profile and accuse him of operating a quasi autocracy and running roughshod over the party. Farage is unrepentant. “Some people have been a big disappointment – people I have given jobs to and when it doesn’t work out they behave badly. You just think, would I behave like that? God, I hope not.”
He readily admits that a good result on June 4th is a prerequisite for him carrying forward his own agenda. “I do need a mandate,” he says. “I will have the impetus to change it further.” But to do that he has a number of enemies to see off, both from within his own party and outside it, not least the British National Party. The BNP has tried, so far with little success, to infiltrate UKIP and take it over from the inside. They have a number of, what Farage calls, “useful idiots” who have adopted the tactics of the old Militant Tendency who tried to take over parts of the Labour Party in the 1980s. However unsuccessful they have been, Farage knows how bad it looks for the letters BNP and UKIP to appear in the same sentence. “The most damaging thing ever written about us was that we were the BNP in blazers,” he concedes, although he believes those days are behind them. When the BNP’s membership list was leaked recently, UKIP analysed it and found only two of their own members on it. The sighs of relief emanating from UKIP HQ were almost audible, but Farage is far from complacent.
“I wouldn’t compare myself to Cameron, but he tried to change the image of his party, to make it more acceptable to a broader range of people, and that’s the journey I’m on.” He cites the recruitment of an increasing number of ethnic minority members as evidence that the party is heading in the right direction. So, no longer the party of “fruitcakes and closet racists”, as David Cameron once memorably described them. “If we are successful in June, we’ll have a new slate of MEPs, they’ll be much younger, with a prominent woman, and we can go out into the media with a new image, without giving the impression that it’s just me doing it,” claims Farage. It’s hardly a ringing endorsement of his current colleagues, but he’s a realist.
Since Farage became leader of UKIP in the autumn of 2006, he has tried to turn the party away from being a single issue, anti European Union pressure group and convert it into a normal political party, with a policy on virtually everything. He tasked his deputy, David Campbell-Bannerman, with coming up with populist policies on public service reform. A belief in selective education is possibly the most eye-catching of the policies announced so far, but again, it plays into the perception that UKIP really does represent ‘Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells’ rather than Mr & Mrs Average whose two kids go to the local comp.
UKIP’s success in June may well be determined by to what extent the electorate wants to punish the two main parties. Traditionally the LibDems have been the main recipient of the so-called ‘dustbin’ vote, but in the 1989 Euro elections it was the Greens who surged forward, with 15% of the vote. Indeed, Nigel Farage himself was a rather unlikely Green voter in that year. “I was still a Tory Party member,” he recalls, “and it was my first rebellion against the Conservative Party.” Election campaigns are all about momentum, the so-called ‘Big Mo’. Last time UKIP had the temporary boost of Robert Kilroy-Silk joining them and giving them a huge amount of extra publicity. “It was a risk worth taking at the time,” says Farage. “I still believe that.” It proved to be a mixed blessing in the end, but it’s difficult to see where that kind of boost will emerge from this time. Farage is relying on Eurosceptic Conservatives to lend him their vote again, but he’s also keen to point out that internet campaigning will recruit new supporters from all over the political spectrum.
“If we do badly in June, and that means curtains for me. It won’t just be UKIP that has a problem. It will be the whole anti EU movement that has a problem.” He believes there is a clear and present danger that UKIP might then indeed be taken over by the authoritarian right, rendering less of a political party and more of a narrow political sect. “It could set us back by over a decade,” he warns. It’s hardly a war cry, but it demonstrates what’s at stake both for him personally and the Eurosceptic movement in general on June 4th.
Iain Dale's Diary Political DVD & CD Store
Wednesday 29 April 2009
The Speaker
Young Duncan from Bristol has won BBC's The Speaker. Question is, will he be on the books of Specialist Speakers in the future?
Monday 27 April 2009
BAFTA Television Awards - Arrivals
Leicester Square Television, who operate a "fan-cam", where in attendance yesterday for the BAFTA Television Awards. This video clip is one of a series which can be accessed here at You Tube.
Iain Dale Criticised By Cranmer
Top political blogger "Cranmer" has a few stern words to say about Iain Dale:
Cranmer would first like to say that he likes and admires Mr Dale a very great deal; he wishes him no ill and means him no offence by what follows. It is simply that His Grace is a little puzzled by the somewhat variable and inconsistent application of the Conservative Party’s rules and regulations, and observes an apparent hypocrisy in Mr Dale's political morality which is worthy of scrutiny.
The professorial, politically-astute, philanthropic and mild-mannered Stuart Wheeler was ejected from the Conservative Party for donating a paltry £100,000 to UKIP (which just about covers four MPs’ second homes for one year). He did not defect; he simply expressed a little modest (to him) support for UKIP because he considers the UK's relations with the EU to be of paramount importance. And no doubt thousands of Conservatives shall be doing exactly the same on June 4th as they 'lend' their votes on a point of political principle.
Yet Iain Dale was among the first (if not the first) to call for the expulsion of Mr Wheeler despite his having previously donated £5 million to Conservative coffers, and despite his continuing to urge the electorate to vote Conservative at the next general election. Few would doubt that Mr Wheeler has done more cumulative good than harm to the Conservative cause. But he had to go, Mr Dale insisted, because he was a ‘menace’ and ‘needed a regular fix of publicity’ and ‘delights popping up on the Today programme’ to spread ‘his unique brand of political mischief’ (transgressions of which Mr Dale has doubtless not infrequently been accused by some of his own detractors).
Mr Dale explained: ‘You can't have people like (Stuart Wheeler) recommending people to vote for another party on 4 June, and then proceed to welcome him back on the 5th. If I now wrote a blogpost urging Tories to vote UKIP, do you have any doubt that I would be expelled? And I'd deserve to be.’
But an advertisement is worth a thousand blog posts: the effects and impact of the visual media are far greater than the written. It is, after all, how Mr Dale is able to earn money from his blog.
The Conservative Party membership card quotes from the Party’s constitution: "Membership of the Conservative Party is not compatible with membership of, or association with, any other registered political party."
If Stuart Wheeler's actions constitute ‘association with’ another registered political party, and thus a breach of the conditions of Party membership, then so must Mr Dale’s promotion of other registered political parties upon his blog.
Consider the screen-print above. Mr Dale is clearly using his blog - his private property in exactly the same fashion as Mr Wheeler's £100,000 - to urge his readers, which are legion, to vote for another party - a party which has the potential to do damage to the Conservative Party, and from which Cranmer has exhorted his readers and communicants to resile. Further, Cranmer has also recently seen advertisements for ‘Jury Team’ upon Mr Dale’s influential blog, and also recalls some months ago seeing advertisements which sold the wares or promoted the personalities of New Labour.
But Cranmer has no problem with the selling of books or the promoting of political biography: the issue here is one of political campaigning. Iain Dale's Diary reaches more ‘unique visitors’ in a single month than Stuart Wheeler has met in his entire lifetime. In terms of campaigning influence and the potential to affect an electoral outcome, it is a political colossus. Mr Wheeler was an obscure back-room operator whose donation to UKIP will have a negligible (if any) effect on people’s voting intentions.
Shedule 7, article 3.5 of the Conservative Party’s constitution states: ‘The Officers of the Association may move before the Executive Council the suspension or termination of membership of the Association of any member whose declared opinions or conduct shall, in their judgement, be inconsistent with the objects or financial well-being of the Association or be likely to bring the Party into disrepute. Similarly, the Officers may move the refusal of membership of the Association for the same reasons. Following such a motion, the Executive Council may by a majority vote suspend, terminate or refuse membership for the same reason.’
Mr Dale can probably not censor or control these political advertisements, for they are either part-and-parcel of his contract with GoogleAds or are fed uncontrollably by the ubiquitous MessageSpace. But Mr Wheeler's donation to UKIP was on a point of political principle; Mr Dale has sold the political soul of his blog to (inter alia) Libertas simply to profit by a couple of hundred (?) pounds. He thereby promotes the Conservative Party’s political opponents for personal financial gain and is consequently manifestly (if indirectly) ‘in association with’ those whose objectives are ‘inconsistent with the objects or financial well-being’ of the Conservative Party.
Consider what fate might befall an ordinary Conservative Party member who erected a ‘Vote LibDem’ sign in his front garden, or sported a ‘Vote Labour’ sticker on his car, or a ‘Vote UKIP’ pin in his lapel. As Mr Dale suggests would be the case were he to write a blog post urging people to vote UKIP, such treachery would be 'inconsistent with the objects' of the Party and would not be tolerated. CCHQ or a local Association would have grounds for expulsion.
The Libertas advertisement is not merely urging people to vote Libertas (which would be bad enough); Mr Dale is permitting his private property to be used to urge his readers to join a rival political party, which is a rather more long-term commitment. Declan Ganley is manifestly in this for the long haul.
Iain Dale has effectively erected a flashing neon ‘Vote Libertas’ sign very prominently in his front garden, through which a quarter of a million voters pass every month. This may be interspersed with villas in Andalucia, and it may not matter so much during the course of an apolitical year, but we are in the middle of a very important campaign and elections to the European Parliament are a mere month away. These elections have the potential to reduce Labour to a humiliating fourth poll position, thereby euthanising New Labour or terminating Gordon Brown's premiership altogether. The Conservative Party needs every vote it can get.
Would Mr Dale be content to urge his readers to 'Vote Labour' on the run-up to a general election? Would he accept advertisements which said 'Gordon Brown for Prime Minister'? This, surely, would be anathema to him (and, indeed, anathematise him from the Conservative Party). Yet if it be, why are these Libertas advertisements acceptable now?
Donating £100,000 to UKIP is quite possibly worth a good deal less (politically) to that party than an advertisement on Iain Dale’s Diary is worth to Libertas. It is inconceivable that Stephan Shakespeare would agree to such advertisements on ConservativeHome.
Perhaps CCHQ or the local Executive in Tunbridge Wells might look into Mr Dale’s ‘association’ with this group.
Or perhaps Cranmer might humbly request that Mr Dale might explain why the sauce which cooked Stuart Wheeler’s goose is not good enough for the gander?
UPDATE:
Cranmer has received a missive from the renowned Guido Fawkes, who points out that Mr Dale has in the past carried advertisements for Ken Livingstone's mayoral campaign (while Mr Dale naturally supported Boris) and also for the Liberal Democrats. Mr Fawkes suggested that His Grace was unable to distinguish between an advertisement and an endorsement.
This is not so. The erection of a sign in one's front garden is a de facto endorsement. Would Mr Dale be content to host an advertisement from the democratic and legally-constituted B**? Presumably not. But if not, why not? If this advertisement for Libertas is a straightforward exchange of goods, surely the B**'s money is as good as that of Libertas? Cranmer's objection is simply that he happens to believe that politics is (frequently quite literally) a matter of life and death in the temporal realm. A Conservative blog should therefore no more carry an advertisement for one's political opponents any more than one would expect The Catholic Herald, being concerned with issues of salvation in the spiritual realm, to carry an advertisement from 'bigoted Protestant extremists' whose erroneous soteriology leads unsuspecting souls to eternal damnation.
Cranmer would first like to say that he likes and admires Mr Dale a very great deal; he wishes him no ill and means him no offence by what follows. It is simply that His Grace is a little puzzled by the somewhat variable and inconsistent application of the Conservative Party’s rules and regulations, and observes an apparent hypocrisy in Mr Dale's political morality which is worthy of scrutiny.
The professorial, politically-astute, philanthropic and mild-mannered Stuart Wheeler was ejected from the Conservative Party for donating a paltry £100,000 to UKIP (which just about covers four MPs’ second homes for one year). He did not defect; he simply expressed a little modest (to him) support for UKIP because he considers the UK's relations with the EU to be of paramount importance. And no doubt thousands of Conservatives shall be doing exactly the same on June 4th as they 'lend' their votes on a point of political principle.
Yet Iain Dale was among the first (if not the first) to call for the expulsion of Mr Wheeler despite his having previously donated £5 million to Conservative coffers, and despite his continuing to urge the electorate to vote Conservative at the next general election. Few would doubt that Mr Wheeler has done more cumulative good than harm to the Conservative cause. But he had to go, Mr Dale insisted, because he was a ‘menace’ and ‘needed a regular fix of publicity’ and ‘delights popping up on the Today programme’ to spread ‘his unique brand of political mischief’ (transgressions of which Mr Dale has doubtless not infrequently been accused by some of his own detractors).
Mr Dale explained: ‘You can't have people like (Stuart Wheeler) recommending people to vote for another party on 4 June, and then proceed to welcome him back on the 5th. If I now wrote a blogpost urging Tories to vote UKIP, do you have any doubt that I would be expelled? And I'd deserve to be.’
But an advertisement is worth a thousand blog posts: the effects and impact of the visual media are far greater than the written. It is, after all, how Mr Dale is able to earn money from his blog.
The Conservative Party membership card quotes from the Party’s constitution: "Membership of the Conservative Party is not compatible with membership of, or association with, any other registered political party."
If Stuart Wheeler's actions constitute ‘association with’ another registered political party, and thus a breach of the conditions of Party membership, then so must Mr Dale’s promotion of other registered political parties upon his blog.
Consider the screen-print above. Mr Dale is clearly using his blog - his private property in exactly the same fashion as Mr Wheeler's £100,000 - to urge his readers, which are legion, to vote for another party - a party which has the potential to do damage to the Conservative Party, and from which Cranmer has exhorted his readers and communicants to resile. Further, Cranmer has also recently seen advertisements for ‘Jury Team’ upon Mr Dale’s influential blog, and also recalls some months ago seeing advertisements which sold the wares or promoted the personalities of New Labour.
But Cranmer has no problem with the selling of books or the promoting of political biography: the issue here is one of political campaigning. Iain Dale's Diary reaches more ‘unique visitors’ in a single month than Stuart Wheeler has met in his entire lifetime. In terms of campaigning influence and the potential to affect an electoral outcome, it is a political colossus. Mr Wheeler was an obscure back-room operator whose donation to UKIP will have a negligible (if any) effect on people’s voting intentions.
Shedule 7, article 3.5 of the Conservative Party’s constitution states: ‘The Officers of the Association may move before the Executive Council the suspension or termination of membership of the Association of any member whose declared opinions or conduct shall, in their judgement, be inconsistent with the objects or financial well-being of the Association or be likely to bring the Party into disrepute. Similarly, the Officers may move the refusal of membership of the Association for the same reasons. Following such a motion, the Executive Council may by a majority vote suspend, terminate or refuse membership for the same reason.’
Mr Dale can probably not censor or control these political advertisements, for they are either part-and-parcel of his contract with GoogleAds or are fed uncontrollably by the ubiquitous MessageSpace. But Mr Wheeler's donation to UKIP was on a point of political principle; Mr Dale has sold the political soul of his blog to (inter alia) Libertas simply to profit by a couple of hundred (?) pounds. He thereby promotes the Conservative Party’s political opponents for personal financial gain and is consequently manifestly (if indirectly) ‘in association with’ those whose objectives are ‘inconsistent with the objects or financial well-being’ of the Conservative Party.
Consider what fate might befall an ordinary Conservative Party member who erected a ‘Vote LibDem’ sign in his front garden, or sported a ‘Vote Labour’ sticker on his car, or a ‘Vote UKIP’ pin in his lapel. As Mr Dale suggests would be the case were he to write a blog post urging people to vote UKIP, such treachery would be 'inconsistent with the objects' of the Party and would not be tolerated. CCHQ or a local Association would have grounds for expulsion.
The Libertas advertisement is not merely urging people to vote Libertas (which would be bad enough); Mr Dale is permitting his private property to be used to urge his readers to join a rival political party, which is a rather more long-term commitment. Declan Ganley is manifestly in this for the long haul.
Iain Dale has effectively erected a flashing neon ‘Vote Libertas’ sign very prominently in his front garden, through which a quarter of a million voters pass every month. This may be interspersed with villas in Andalucia, and it may not matter so much during the course of an apolitical year, but we are in the middle of a very important campaign and elections to the European Parliament are a mere month away. These elections have the potential to reduce Labour to a humiliating fourth poll position, thereby euthanising New Labour or terminating Gordon Brown's premiership altogether. The Conservative Party needs every vote it can get.
Would Mr Dale be content to urge his readers to 'Vote Labour' on the run-up to a general election? Would he accept advertisements which said 'Gordon Brown for Prime Minister'? This, surely, would be anathema to him (and, indeed, anathematise him from the Conservative Party). Yet if it be, why are these Libertas advertisements acceptable now?
Donating £100,000 to UKIP is quite possibly worth a good deal less (politically) to that party than an advertisement on Iain Dale’s Diary is worth to Libertas. It is inconceivable that Stephan Shakespeare would agree to such advertisements on ConservativeHome.
Perhaps CCHQ or the local Executive in Tunbridge Wells might look into Mr Dale’s ‘association’ with this group.
Or perhaps Cranmer might humbly request that Mr Dale might explain why the sauce which cooked Stuart Wheeler’s goose is not good enough for the gander?
UPDATE:
Cranmer has received a missive from the renowned Guido Fawkes, who points out that Mr Dale has in the past carried advertisements for Ken Livingstone's mayoral campaign (while Mr Dale naturally supported Boris) and also for the Liberal Democrats. Mr Fawkes suggested that His Grace was unable to distinguish between an advertisement and an endorsement.
This is not so. The erection of a sign in one's front garden is a de facto endorsement. Would Mr Dale be content to host an advertisement from the democratic and legally-constituted B**? Presumably not. But if not, why not? If this advertisement for Libertas is a straightforward exchange of goods, surely the B**'s money is as good as that of Libertas? Cranmer's objection is simply that he happens to believe that politics is (frequently quite literally) a matter of life and death in the temporal realm. A Conservative blog should therefore no more carry an advertisement for one's political opponents any more than one would expect The Catholic Herald, being concerned with issues of salvation in the spiritual realm, to carry an advertisement from 'bigoted Protestant extremists' whose erroneous soteriology leads unsuspecting souls to eternal damnation.
Twitter For Business
Many would now agree that the social networking tool, Twitter is very useful for business. Here's an article from the on-line Chicago Tribune which youmay find interesting.
Thursday 23 April 2009
Tuesday 21 April 2009
Norwich Union to Aviva
Jonathan Gabay outlines his views on the recent name change of insurance giant, Norwich Union to Aviva.
The Iain Dale Radio Show
is coming soon, according to Iain Dale's latest post. If it's anything like 18 Doughty Street, it'll be very worthwhile listening to.
Wednesday 15 April 2009
More On "Smeargate" By Iain Dale
The "Smeargate" scandal is continuing to fill the UK headlines thanks to the Blogosphere with Iain Dale being quite busy over the past few days. Here's one of his latest posts on the affair that's got the British government on it's knees.
Saturday 11 April 2009
Iain Dale On The Warpath
With numerous television and radio appearances this weekend, Iain Dale is on the warpath with regards to the latest scandal dubbed "Smeargate"
Friday 10 April 2009
Public Speaking Tips
What do you do if you are late for a public speaking appointment? Each week, there'll be public speaking tips from around the blogosphere and internet. This week, public speaker Nick R Thomas explains how you can dig yourself out of trouble when arriving late for a function.
Monday 6 April 2009
BBC stars "breaking rules"
Certain BBC celebrities maybe breaking the rules when speaking in public, according to this report from the Daily Mail.
Thursday 2 April 2009
Making Public Speaking Popular
This coming Sunday on BBC 2 TV, there's a new programme called The Lost Art Of Oratory. It's looks to be a very interesting programme.
Monday 30 March 2009
Thursday 26 March 2009
Thursday 19 March 2009
Tuesday 17 March 2009
Internet Specialist Speaker
One of the most respected speakers on matters concerning the Internet, is Graham Jones. His blog is one of the best resources you can find anywhere on the Blogosphere on matters relating to social networking, e-commerce, etc.
In his latest article, he refers to the explosion in social networking sites including Twitter.
In his latest article, he refers to the explosion in social networking sites including Twitter.
Monday 16 March 2009
Have You Been Found Out?
Writing stuff on the internet and blogosphere can expose certain things about you as speaker Kare Anderson explains here.
Thursday 12 March 2009
Geoff Burch Writes About The Economy
This is a fun story from Geoff Burch:
LIVING ON THE EDGE
THE STORY OF A CREDIT CRUNCH
By Geoff Burch
There was a land that was on the edge of the highest of high cliffs. The people of this land toiled and worked and struggled to make a living. They made things and they grew things. They lived by the strength of their backs and the sweat of their brows.
This life made them strong and resilient and they were proud to tell outsiders that they lived on the edge. They were very competitive with each other and always tried to better one another. Despite this they considered themselves close-knit, probably because they were united by their dislike and suspicion of outsiders.
So, you can imagine their consternation when a strange, silent young stranger occupied a deserted cabin in their land. They decided to check this guy out and it didn’t exactly put their minds at rest to discover that he was exiled from his previous land for treason and sedition. Apparently when he was a young boy, the king of his land had ordered a fabulous magical suit from some internationally renowned tailors. The enchantment of this fabulously expensive bejeweled garment was that if you were stupid, the suit became invisible to you. The king subsequently appeared naked to this boy who was therefore clearly stupid and instead of quietly admitting his disability, went around shouting that the king was “in the altogether!” Fortunately, despite rumours and fairy stories to the contrary, this disgraceful behaviour ceased when the heartbroken tailors gave him a good kicking and the king exiled him. Everyone watching acknowledged their own intelligence and admired the fine suit.
Now, this boy – older and somewhat wiser – lived among the people on the edge and they weren’t happy. Sometimes they would challenge him to say anything critical about them, but he had learned his lesson and said nothing – which gave them no excuse to get rid of him.
Then one day there was a miraculous event. The people awoke one morning to discover that from the top of the cliff, a small bridge had grown. At the other end of the bridge was a small pink fluffy cloud. For weeks people came and viewed the bridge but no one dared set foot on it, but the one day two intrepid young men crossed the bridge into the pink cloud. In there they found a sunlit land with blue birds, rabbits, and trees laden with luscious fruit. On the ground were a scattering of precious gems and metals. The young men picked fruit and treasure and returned across the bridge a lot wealthier than they had been before. Soon more people crossed the bridge to harvest the bounty of the pink cloud. The people celebrated their luck and the only sour note was that the path to the bridge had to pass the strange young man’s cabin – and when he stood outside and watched them, they felt he knew something they didn’t. Sometimes folk would challenge him to tell them.
“OK, what? Go on, what? What’s your problem?”
He would pull a face, shrug his sad shoulders and disappear back behind his front door.
A strange thing about the bridge and the cloud was that the more they were used, the bigger they grew. The bridge became a magnificent sight to see and the cloud was huge and so was the land inside it. In the land was a very beautiful kind of tree that had been in blossom ever since the place had been discovered. The people had wondered what fabulous fruit it would bear. Finally the tree produced large pods which before anyone could pick them erupted into coloured fans. On closer inspection it was clear that these fans were wads of money! Everyone laughed. Their parents had always said, “Money doesn’t grow on trees.” Well now it did. People surged across the bridge with barrow loads of cash, treasure and fruits. Again the only downside was that young man just watching.
With so much wealth literally falling from the trees, why break your back in the fields, wear your fingers to the bone at the lathe, or sweat your life away in a kitchen. People in far-off lands who mainly survived by growing stuff and eating it wanted a share of this wealth. So they either sold their crops to the people on the edge or they started making things for them or they moved to the edge themselves and did the toiling for a handful of the cash.
The people on the edge realized that all this success could be attributed to their superior intellect and that physical effort was far beneath them. They also knew that they never wanted their children to toil with their hands. Intellect brings better rewards. So they built schools and colleges where the young could get intellect from the people who had chosen themselves to be professors.
One of these mighty brains prepared mathematical formula which would show birds how to fly. He crossed the bridge and as the young bluebirds hatched from their eggs, he strutted about holding his lapels reciting this formula to them.
A few weeks later, amazingly, the bluebirds flew. He was carried shoulder-high back across the bridge and given a big gold cup and his own university to be in charge of. Another professor watched the bridge grow and could predict its size each day. The people would gather under his balcony at his university and he would say things like,
“I predict bridge growth to be between 12 and 16%”
And the next day, when it was clearly 15% bigger, he got a cup too!
Another amazing event happened. One day a man harvesting money in the fluffy cloud-land, dropped a bundle down a rabbit hole. He didn’t notice until he got home and realized that he was short a bundle of money. He went back the next day and searched about the tree. Putting his hand down the rabbit hole, he realized that not only was the bundle of money there, but it had doubled in size. For a while he tried putting the odd wad of cash in the rabbit holes and overnight they always doubled. He shared this secret with a very few friends and out of those few friends, this phenomenon only worked for some of them but that didn’t matter because those with the gift could double anyone’s’ money. These men declared themselves bankers or barons of the bridge. Soon the traffic had reversed and everyone was bringing home loads of cash back over the bridge to the cloud.
The young man just watched with that funny annoying puzzled look on his face.
The people from the foreign land were soon handing their cash to the bridge barons to have it doubled. The money doubled, the bridge doubled, and the pink fluffy cloud just grew huge. The more cash they piled into the rabbit holes, the bigger the cloud grew.
Then the people woke up one morning and the bridge had completely collapsed. It had cracked and crumbled and hundreds of pieces had tumbled into the gorge below. The people watched as the pink cloud, now not anchored to anything, started to drift with the wind, which tugged and blew as little wisps and tendrils like candy floss disappeared into the turbulent air. Before their very eyes it was pulled into smaller bits until it was gone as if it had never existed.
“We are ruined!” the horrified crowd cried.
“All our wealth was in that cloud”.
“And so was ours” the people from the foreign land cried angrily, “We will have to go back to growing stuff again.”
The cry went up, “Why did the bridge collapse?”
The professors didn’t know despite their intellect. Then someone said,
“I bet that sly kid knows why the bridge collapsed”
A huge mob went to the young man’s cabin. When he came out they cried,
“Alright smartarse. Why did the bridge collapse?”
The young man sadly replied, “You foolish people. You are asking the wrong question. The question I have been asking myself every day, and what you should have asked yourselves is not why it collapsed, but why it stayed up. What was holding it up in the first place?”
LIVING ON THE EDGE
THE STORY OF A CREDIT CRUNCH
By Geoff Burch
There was a land that was on the edge of the highest of high cliffs. The people of this land toiled and worked and struggled to make a living. They made things and they grew things. They lived by the strength of their backs and the sweat of their brows.
This life made them strong and resilient and they were proud to tell outsiders that they lived on the edge. They were very competitive with each other and always tried to better one another. Despite this they considered themselves close-knit, probably because they were united by their dislike and suspicion of outsiders.
So, you can imagine their consternation when a strange, silent young stranger occupied a deserted cabin in their land. They decided to check this guy out and it didn’t exactly put their minds at rest to discover that he was exiled from his previous land for treason and sedition. Apparently when he was a young boy, the king of his land had ordered a fabulous magical suit from some internationally renowned tailors. The enchantment of this fabulously expensive bejeweled garment was that if you were stupid, the suit became invisible to you. The king subsequently appeared naked to this boy who was therefore clearly stupid and instead of quietly admitting his disability, went around shouting that the king was “in the altogether!” Fortunately, despite rumours and fairy stories to the contrary, this disgraceful behaviour ceased when the heartbroken tailors gave him a good kicking and the king exiled him. Everyone watching acknowledged their own intelligence and admired the fine suit.
Now, this boy – older and somewhat wiser – lived among the people on the edge and they weren’t happy. Sometimes they would challenge him to say anything critical about them, but he had learned his lesson and said nothing – which gave them no excuse to get rid of him.
Then one day there was a miraculous event. The people awoke one morning to discover that from the top of the cliff, a small bridge had grown. At the other end of the bridge was a small pink fluffy cloud. For weeks people came and viewed the bridge but no one dared set foot on it, but the one day two intrepid young men crossed the bridge into the pink cloud. In there they found a sunlit land with blue birds, rabbits, and trees laden with luscious fruit. On the ground were a scattering of precious gems and metals. The young men picked fruit and treasure and returned across the bridge a lot wealthier than they had been before. Soon more people crossed the bridge to harvest the bounty of the pink cloud. The people celebrated their luck and the only sour note was that the path to the bridge had to pass the strange young man’s cabin – and when he stood outside and watched them, they felt he knew something they didn’t. Sometimes folk would challenge him to tell them.
“OK, what? Go on, what? What’s your problem?”
He would pull a face, shrug his sad shoulders and disappear back behind his front door.
A strange thing about the bridge and the cloud was that the more they were used, the bigger they grew. The bridge became a magnificent sight to see and the cloud was huge and so was the land inside it. In the land was a very beautiful kind of tree that had been in blossom ever since the place had been discovered. The people had wondered what fabulous fruit it would bear. Finally the tree produced large pods which before anyone could pick them erupted into coloured fans. On closer inspection it was clear that these fans were wads of money! Everyone laughed. Their parents had always said, “Money doesn’t grow on trees.” Well now it did. People surged across the bridge with barrow loads of cash, treasure and fruits. Again the only downside was that young man just watching.
With so much wealth literally falling from the trees, why break your back in the fields, wear your fingers to the bone at the lathe, or sweat your life away in a kitchen. People in far-off lands who mainly survived by growing stuff and eating it wanted a share of this wealth. So they either sold their crops to the people on the edge or they started making things for them or they moved to the edge themselves and did the toiling for a handful of the cash.
The people on the edge realized that all this success could be attributed to their superior intellect and that physical effort was far beneath them. They also knew that they never wanted their children to toil with their hands. Intellect brings better rewards. So they built schools and colleges where the young could get intellect from the people who had chosen themselves to be professors.
One of these mighty brains prepared mathematical formula which would show birds how to fly. He crossed the bridge and as the young bluebirds hatched from their eggs, he strutted about holding his lapels reciting this formula to them.
A few weeks later, amazingly, the bluebirds flew. He was carried shoulder-high back across the bridge and given a big gold cup and his own university to be in charge of. Another professor watched the bridge grow and could predict its size each day. The people would gather under his balcony at his university and he would say things like,
“I predict bridge growth to be between 12 and 16%”
And the next day, when it was clearly 15% bigger, he got a cup too!
Another amazing event happened. One day a man harvesting money in the fluffy cloud-land, dropped a bundle down a rabbit hole. He didn’t notice until he got home and realized that he was short a bundle of money. He went back the next day and searched about the tree. Putting his hand down the rabbit hole, he realized that not only was the bundle of money there, but it had doubled in size. For a while he tried putting the odd wad of cash in the rabbit holes and overnight they always doubled. He shared this secret with a very few friends and out of those few friends, this phenomenon only worked for some of them but that didn’t matter because those with the gift could double anyone’s’ money. These men declared themselves bankers or barons of the bridge. Soon the traffic had reversed and everyone was bringing home loads of cash back over the bridge to the cloud.
The young man just watched with that funny annoying puzzled look on his face.
The people from the foreign land were soon handing their cash to the bridge barons to have it doubled. The money doubled, the bridge doubled, and the pink fluffy cloud just grew huge. The more cash they piled into the rabbit holes, the bigger the cloud grew.
Then the people woke up one morning and the bridge had completely collapsed. It had cracked and crumbled and hundreds of pieces had tumbled into the gorge below. The people watched as the pink cloud, now not anchored to anything, started to drift with the wind, which tugged and blew as little wisps and tendrils like candy floss disappeared into the turbulent air. Before their very eyes it was pulled into smaller bits until it was gone as if it had never existed.
“We are ruined!” the horrified crowd cried.
“All our wealth was in that cloud”.
“And so was ours” the people from the foreign land cried angrily, “We will have to go back to growing stuff again.”
The cry went up, “Why did the bridge collapse?”
The professors didn’t know despite their intellect. Then someone said,
“I bet that sly kid knows why the bridge collapsed”
A huge mob went to the young man’s cabin. When he came out they cried,
“Alright smartarse. Why did the bridge collapse?”
The young man sadly replied, “You foolish people. You are asking the wrong question. The question I have been asking myself every day, and what you should have asked yourselves is not why it collapsed, but why it stayed up. What was holding it up in the first place?”
Wednesday 11 March 2009
Jonathan Gabay On Barbie's 50th Birthday
Jonathan Gabay was on CNN earlier this week talking about the brand that is Barbie:
Saturday 7 March 2009
Jennifer Aniston At Film Premiere
If you're into celeb spotting this clip which features Jennifer Aniston will interest you:
Wednesday 4 March 2009
Jennifer Aniston In Leicester Square
Jennifer Aniston and Owen Wilson were in London's Leicester Square on Monday evening for the UK Premiere of Marley & Me.
Photos courtesy of Leicester Square Television
Photos courtesy of Leicester Square Television
Tuesday 3 March 2009
Top Political Blogs Of The Week
From the USA, Alan Caruba asks whether it's all a conspiracy.
Harry's Place on Chavez
Guido on Wall Street going below 7000.
and finally.............
Shane Greer on those "City types"
Harry's Place on Chavez
Guido on Wall Street going below 7000.
and finally.............
Shane Greer on those "City types"
Sunday 1 March 2009
March On!
In The First Week:
Sunday 01 March
Football: Carling Cup Final, Wembley
St David's Day
Thursday 05 March - Sunday 08 March
Crufts Dog Sow, NEC, Birmingham
Thursday 05 March - Sunday 15 March
Geneva International Motor Show, Switzerland
Friday 06 March -
Liberal Democrats Spring Conference, Harrogate
Friday 06 March - Tuesday 10 March
Cricket: W. Indies v England 4th Test, Trinidad & Tobago
Saturday 07 March
Football: FA Cup Quarter Finals
Football: Scottish FA Cup Quarter Finals
Sunday 08 March
Arts: The Laurence Olivier Awards, London
Sunday 01 March
Football: Carling Cup Final, Wembley
St David's Day
Thursday 05 March - Sunday 08 March
Crufts Dog Sow, NEC, Birmingham
Thursday 05 March - Sunday 15 March
Geneva International Motor Show, Switzerland
Friday 06 March -
Liberal Democrats Spring Conference, Harrogate
Friday 06 March - Tuesday 10 March
Cricket: W. Indies v England 4th Test, Trinidad & Tobago
Saturday 07 March
Football: FA Cup Quarter Finals
Football: Scottish FA Cup Quarter Finals
Sunday 08 March
Arts: The Laurence Olivier Awards, London
Friday 27 February 2009
Gordon Brown On The Warpath
The Prime Minister is angry over the "Fredgate" pension row. This on the BBC website
Thursday 26 February 2009
Iain Dale and Sir Fred Goodwin
In his latest blog post, Iain Dale has made a strong attack on the former head of RBS, Sir Fred Goodwin. Dale's comments are centred on the scandal about Sir Fred's pension which is reported to be in the region of £650,000 per year for life.
Wendy Richards Dies at 68
British TV star, Wendy Richards has died from cancer. Read this from the BBC Website
Wednesday 25 February 2009
On This Day In 1964
1964: Cassius Clay (Muhammad Ali) defeats Sonny Liston in one of the greatest shocks in boxing history.
Source: BBC
Source: BBC
Monday 23 February 2009
Iain Dale On Setanta Sport
Sunday 22 February 2009
Iain Dale Speaking On BBC TV
Geoff Burch Speaking In Barnet
Last December, Geoff Burch spoke at Communicate With Clarity at Barnet FC. The event was called "Cold Calls To Hot Leads" and explained how one gets business appointments by phone.
Saturday 21 February 2009
The Brit Awards
Here's some footage from The Brit Awards which were held in London earlier this week. Here's K T Tunstall arriving
Thursday 19 February 2009
Ways To Calm Down Before Making A Speech
Life Hacker is a wonderful resource for all manner of things. This was posted last year about how to calm down before speaking in public.
Ed. I recommend deep diaphragmic breathing, like this
Ed. I recommend deep diaphragmic breathing, like this
Know Your Audience
This was first published at Corporate Presenter last year. As a speaker, corporate host or presenter, it's so important to know your audience and to be tactful.It highlights two "Golden Rules" of public-speaking.
Thursday, May 22, 2008
Know your Audience
2 things not to do when public-speaking
Trevor Phillips, who chairs the Commission for Racial Equality was left with egg on his face after making a terrible gaffe whilst attending a function on the Queen’s official birthday on Saturday. His was a guest speaker at the Imperial College London’s Centenary Ball when he made a joke about the Queen Mother and her colostomy bag. Guests were shocked and disgusted at his ill-considered joke.
I’ve heard Trevor Phillips speak before and he doesn’t strike me as someone who would make such a basic error. If you are asked to entertain an audience with a joke or funny story then make absolutely sure you won’t offend anybody. Ask beforehand if necessary and if in doubt cut it out. The other golden rule is KNOW YOUR AUDIENCE.
Thursday, May 22, 2008
Know your Audience
2 things not to do when public-speaking
Trevor Phillips, who chairs the Commission for Racial Equality was left with egg on his face after making a terrible gaffe whilst attending a function on the Queen’s official birthday on Saturday. His was a guest speaker at the Imperial College London’s Centenary Ball when he made a joke about the Queen Mother and her colostomy bag. Guests were shocked and disgusted at his ill-considered joke.
I’ve heard Trevor Phillips speak before and he doesn’t strike me as someone who would make such a basic error. If you are asked to entertain an audience with a joke or funny story then make absolutely sure you won’t offend anybody. Ask beforehand if necessary and if in doubt cut it out. The other golden rule is KNOW YOUR AUDIENCE.
Monday 16 February 2009
Morris Dancing
Morris - A Life With Bells On is a new comedy film about Morris dancing. Check out the promo video. It seem like fun. Top UK Blogger Theo Spark has placed it on his successful site and it's receiving rave reviews.
Sunday 15 February 2009
Iain Dale Makes Sunday Times Top Bloggers List
Iain Dale's Diary is listed in the Sunday Times top bloggers list.
Friday 13 February 2009
Speaking Badly
This short article appeared in today's e-zine from The Media Coach, Alan Stevens:
HOW TO GIVE A REALLY BAD SPEECH
As Yogi Berra used to say "You can learn a lot from watching". Well I've been watching people make speeches for over thirty years, and many of them were fantastic. Some were just average. A few were - well, utterly dreadful would not be too harsh a description. So I've come up with a checklist of how to give a really bad speech. Here it is.
Start badly
Not know how to use the microphone or other technology
Have a confusing message (or no message at all)
Patronise the audience
Read from a script
Turn your back on the audience
Try to tell jokes
Use jargon or technical language
Run out of time
End poorly
No prizes for guessing what you have to do to give a really good speech.
"This information was written by Alan Stevens, and originally appeared in "The MediaCoach", his free weekly ezine, available at www.mediacoach.co.uk."
HOW TO GIVE A REALLY BAD SPEECH
As Yogi Berra used to say "You can learn a lot from watching". Well I've been watching people make speeches for over thirty years, and many of them were fantastic. Some were just average. A few were - well, utterly dreadful would not be too harsh a description. So I've come up with a checklist of how to give a really bad speech. Here it is.
Start badly
Not know how to use the microphone or other technology
Have a confusing message (or no message at all)
Patronise the audience
Read from a script
Turn your back on the audience
Try to tell jokes
Use jargon or technical language
Run out of time
End poorly
No prizes for guessing what you have to do to give a really good speech.
"This information was written by Alan Stevens, and originally appeared in "The MediaCoach", his free weekly ezine, available at www.mediacoach.co.uk."
Wednesday 11 February 2009
Orlando Cachaito Lopez.............
.from the Buena Vista Social Club passed away yesterday. You can read about him here. And here's something for you to enjoy.
Monday 9 February 2009
That Speaker - Aileen Bennett
An Englishwoman doing rather well over there in the States is Aileen Bennett. She has one of the most funky speaker websites you are likely to see. It's called That Speaker
Sunday 8 February 2009
The Week Ahead
Sunday 08 February
Grammy Awards, Los Angeles
British Academy (BAFTA) Film Awards
Monday 09 February - Friday 13 February
Church Of England General Synod Spring Meeting
Tuesday 10 February
Israel: Parliamentary Elections
Wednesday 11 February
Football: World Cup 2010 Qualifier: Rep of Ireland v Georgia, Dublin
Football: World Cup 2010 Qualifier: San Marino v N.Ireland
Thursday 12 February
Abraham Lincoln born 200 years ago
Charles Darwin born 200 years ago
Thursday 12 February - Monday 23 February
Houses of Lords & Commons rise for Half Term Recess
Friday 13 February - Tuesday 17 February
Cricket: W.Indies v England 2nd Test, Antigua
Friday 13 February
Unlucky Day: Friday the 13th
UK Film Release: Pink Panther 2
Saturday 14 February
Football: FA Cup Fifth Round
Rugby Union: Wales v England
St Valentine's Day
25 years ago: Torvill and Dean won Olympic Gold
Grammy Awards, Los Angeles
British Academy (BAFTA) Film Awards
Monday 09 February - Friday 13 February
Church Of England General Synod Spring Meeting
Tuesday 10 February
Israel: Parliamentary Elections
Wednesday 11 February
Football: World Cup 2010 Qualifier: Rep of Ireland v Georgia, Dublin
Football: World Cup 2010 Qualifier: San Marino v N.Ireland
Thursday 12 February
Abraham Lincoln born 200 years ago
Charles Darwin born 200 years ago
Thursday 12 February - Monday 23 February
Houses of Lords & Commons rise for Half Term Recess
Friday 13 February - Tuesday 17 February
Cricket: W.Indies v England 2nd Test, Antigua
Friday 13 February
Unlucky Day: Friday the 13th
UK Film Release: Pink Panther 2
Saturday 14 February
Football: FA Cup Fifth Round
Rugby Union: Wales v England
St Valentine's Day
25 years ago: Torvill and Dean won Olympic Gold
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